Initially the background for the present space of velo-mobility will be presented. It is achieved by presenting a series of events, which, through time has caused major physically, socially and mentally changes. Based on the experts and historical documents, a series of events with a major effect on the urban mobility of Copenhagen, is chosen. The events and their effects are mostly unique to Denmark, but some of the events have occurred globally. As mentioned earlier this serves both parts of the research question. The following analysis is chronological starting with the appearance of the bicycle system of Copenhagen. Lefebvre will be included when summing up due to the fact that the triad is based on present production of space.[1]
6.1.1 Building a velo-mobility system
When competing in appropriating the road, the 30´s economic recession favoured the equilibrium of the bicycle system in Copenhagen. Despite a booming car industry, the lack of national car production kept the bicycle in the picture and the infrastructure planning. According to Jens Loft Rasmussen, the 30´s and life during World War 2 had never been healthier, due to quotas on car traffic and the direct effect on cyclism (DCF 12:10). This is also to see on the video from 1937.
In the post world war period our neighbouring countries were producing cars at a fast pace. Without Danish car manufacturers, it was a political decision to decide on the amount of cars to be imported and driven on the Danish roads. The restrictions on cars after the World War 2 improved the conditions for the bicycle as well and kept a critical mass. The politicians did not deliberately do it to favour the bicycle, but it was the indirect effect of the economic politics during post World War 2 times (CPH 2:10). The scarcity and the lack of national technology exacerbated Danish auto-mobility and created negative feedback for the bicycle system and strengthened its equilibrium.
In the post world war period our neighbouring countries were producing cars at a fast pace. Without Danish car manufacturers, it was a political decision to decide on the amount of cars to be imported and driven on the Danish roads. The restrictions on cars after the World War 2 improved the conditions for the bicycle as well and kept a critical mass. The politicians did not deliberately do it to favour the bicycle, but it was the indirect effect of the economic politics during post World War 2 times (CPH 2:10). The scarcity and the lack of national technology exacerbated Danish auto-mobility and created negative feedback for the bicycle system and strengthened its equilibrium.
6.1.2 The 70´s
The delayed car boom in Denmark began around the 60’s but was reduced by the two oil crises in 1973 and 1979, which prevented it from affecting vital parts of urban planning. The former mayor Egon Weidekamp´s American dream to create the car-city, by planning a major road to the inner parts of the city, including redevelopment of larger parts of the borough of Nørrebro, raised violent protests. (DCF 13:30). The Copenhageners protested and only a small part of Nørrebro was condemned and Weidekamp’s ‘American dream’ about bringing highways into the heart of Copenhagen was cancelled.[2] (DCF 15:20). The public protests initiated a path towards more political and democratic spatial planning in Copenhagen. The politicians had to interfere in the planning of the city due to a discrepancy between present planning ideals and the public demands (See textbox). The global car boom with its new potentials for mobility and the ideals of low-density urban areas inspired the planners of the 70´s. However, politicians had to go against global planning trends, to meet the public demands in favour of the bicycle. During this time the public voice was also amplified by demonstrations on the main square in Copenhagen where thousands of cyclists expressed their opposition. (CPH 8:50). The threshold for positive feedback and a possible tipping of the system was not met despite strong political and economic incentives in favour of the car. In comparison, in England the bicycle system could not keep up the equilibrium: “In England the bicycle was wiped out”(DCF 21:20). An interesting note is the strong community that was created around the Danish Cycling Federation during the protests. In comparison to the neighbouring countries, Denmark had at an early stage an organisation to lobby against the strong motor-lobby in the 1970’s. (DCF 21:40, Trafikverket 2010:73)
During the 1970´s the bicycle culture revolved around the DCF and, according to the CEO Jens Loft Rasmussen, the Copenhageners suddenly were reminded about the time before the car boom. At the same time the DCF had an activist approach, which appealed to the 70´s riot movement and similar lifestyles. This caused a rapid increase in members of the DCF and a strong pro-cycling NGO to challenge the strong automobile-lobby, which also started a more political approach through the end of the 60´s[3]. The objective for the DCF is to promote and support the bicycle system in Denmark. With a system-theory approach the DCF directly supports negative feedback to strengthen the system or develop it into something better, which must be considered a very important and also unique support in the mobility battle.
Politically, both local and national authorities indirectly strengthened the equilibrium of the velo-mobility system in the 70´s. In 1971 the last tram was taken out of duty in Copenhagen. The local politicians decided to focus on bus-lines and the tram-commuters were now dispersed on the existing modes of transport.[4]
Around this period a series of political initiatives had an indirect but strong impact on the bicycle system. In 1971, politicians enforced the registration tax as a counter to the oil crisis meaning the price of a standard car was raised with a minimum of 180pct. The registration tax was, and still is, a strong economic incentive for taking the bike instead of the car.[5] At the same time, legislation for the mopeds with requiring license and helmet when using a bicycle was enforced. This decreased the freedom of moped drivers and made the bicycle more appealing as the easy choice in urban transportation. (UNI 1:00).
Another technical event was the fact that light bicycle was mass-produced inspired by sports cycling with new gear technology in the 70´s, which made the bicycle more cost-effective as a mode of transport. (DCF Jubileumsskrift 2005:70).
These different events have all contributed to catalysing the bicycle culture in Copenhagen and developing a strong history of cycling. Over the years velo-mobility has been the opponent to auto-mobility like the bicycle movements in America described by Zack Furness. Although in Denmark there was already a critical mass of protestors. The bicyclists were not considered a small political minority but as the people of Copenhagen, which made a major difference in comparison to other countries e.g. USA. (Furness 2005: 404).
Until recently, cycling has been seen only as a means of transport in Copenhagen – a practical part of the Copenhagener’s daily life. Since beginning of the millennium bicycling has proven to be another advantage for the city, as it has become a modern brand for Copenhagen.
6.1.3 Velo-mobility as a brand
Not only does this branding sell Copenhagen externally but it also has an internal effect on Copenhageners themselves.
G: “The fact that the politicians stress this (bicycle culture) means a lot to me. It makes me proud and happy about my city. I find it a really good priority from the politicians and that means a lot to me.”( Grith Pp.23)[8]
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| source: trendland.net |
6.2 Summing up and reflecting – The bicycle system and the discourse on space
This chapter presents a series of events beginning with the birth of Copenhagen’s bicycle system and up to its present status as a bicycle pioneer. The events can all be considered as either negative feedback that has strengthened the system’s equilibrium, or as positive feedback leading to tipping points that have changed velo-mobility radically and rapidly. Copenhagen’s present system of velo-mobility has shown its strengths, by avoiding positive feedback destroying the system, through its strong equilibrium.
6.2.1 The bicycle system of Copenhagen
Three periods can be considered tipping points, where a series of smaller events have added up to a radical change of the bicycle system in Copenhagen.
The first tipping point is the very beginning, when the first bicycles were imported. Here is a simple example of a boom in the number of bicycles initiated by: the bourgeoisie, an out-phased piece of infrastructure and the invention of the Ordinary. The bicycle became a part of the scenery of Copenhagen and a part of the Copenhageners’ daily life.
The scarcity through pre and post World War 2 kept the bicycle as an important mode of transport. However, the 70’s are to be seen as the next specific tipping point for Copenhagen’s bicycle system. A series of small events in favour of the bicycle culminated with the public bicycle demonstrations and the public riots against Weidekamps flirtation with American planning ideals. The bicycle went from being a neutral mode of transport and not a part of the Copenhageners’ consciousness to a symbol of cohesion with a strong union. This indirect political hindering of competing modes of transport, as well as direct support by technical developments with increased cost-efficiency can be considered a significant strengthen of the bicycle system.
The third tipping point where the velo-mobility system has changed could very well be now. We are witnessing a strong political will from the local authority to encourage velo-mobility along with a global political agenda, which dictates environmental sustainability. The bike has also experienced a new popular tag, which suits our present lifestyles, similar to the bourgeoisie and the rebels in the 70’s. International, national, local and personal agendas support the bicycle as a sustainable and healthy means of transportation.
In general whenever potential initiatives have attempted to lower the threshold for the system to tip, events have counter-reacted. The endurance of the bicycle system has led to generations where the bicycle has been a part of our culture, sometimes more and sometimes less a part of our consciousness. The bicycle culture might not be very present in our social imaginary (See: Describing cyclism) but as soon as the system is changed people becomes aware and react.
6.2.2 Representations of space
- What are the leading discourses on the space of velo-mobility? (representations of space)
The development of bicycling planning in Copenhagen, together with the present dominant discourses covers the representations of space in the case of Copenhagen it is interesting to focus on the democratic planning tradition. (Lefebvre: 1991:46, Shields 1999:161). The public were actually able to overrule the elected mayor, Weidekamp, which shoves the interconnection between the three elements in the triad. In democratic planning the public is also affecting the representations of space.
It shoved that the present discourse is affected by the strong bicycle history and global political agendas on climate change. The conceived space for bicycling in Copenhagen has indeed good preconditions rooted in the bourgeoisie and the 70´s protestors. Not only has history shaped the city physically with an emphasis on bicyclists, but also the politicians have now economic incentives to improve the environment even further. Even the executive power of the society eases the road traffic act when it comes to fix-geared bicycles and overlooks other ‘small illegalities’ (See also: Practicing bicycling). This does not necessarily show vague expressions of power, but rather a clear agreement with the practitioners of Copenhageners to brand Copenhagen as a bicycle pioneer. The politicians balance the legislative power to preserve the freedom of the bike – loose but controlled legislation. Planners, politicians and architects’ attempt to direct the stream of bicycles physically with lanes, signage and designated streetlights thus dominate the conceived space. However, they also leave a certain physical freedom to act, to keep bicycling an attractive mode of transport.
[1] Albeit Lefebvre also emphasis the history to form the present space – a process is always done in time (Lefebvre1991: 46, Shields 1998:163)
[2] In comparison to, for example Stockholm (DCF 21:20)
[6] After Richard Florida’s book: The rise of the creative class (2002).
[8] Det betyder rigtig meget for mig at politikerne siger at det betyder noget. Det synes jeg er rigtig rart. Det betyder at det gør mig også sådan stolt og glad, for min by og sådan noget. Det synes jeg er rigtig god politisk prioritering.
[10] The municipality of Copenhagen 2007 Eco-Motropolis – Our vision for Copenhagen 2015
[11] New urbanism is in many ways similar to Smart-growth and The compact city principles, however new urbanism is more focused on sustainability and increased life-quality through architectural solutions. More inf. Check www.newurbanism.org
[12] The principles of Smart Growth are based on proximity. Each community should be able to service the inhabitants with adequate services, jobs and recreation. Smart growth is more concerned about producing dense community growth than the sustainable aspects of the theory. More inf. Check www.smartgrowth.org
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