To be able to respond to the research- and sub-questions a methodology is required; hence to map the position in the theory of social science i.e., ontology and epistemology and to position the analysis in comparison to equal studies and practitioners. Discussing validity and generalisation is also of high importance when working with case-studies, which will be dealt with in the last part of the chapter.
4.1 Perception of space and mobility
Briefly, the perception of space has undergone changes that can be related to Kuhn´s idea of shifts in scientific paradigms and the fight for acceptance for the 'right truth' (Fuglsang 2004: 7). It went from a perception of space as something absolute and exact – a hollow container to be filled, through the relative perception (Simonsen 2005:167). The focus changed from initially having a focus on the absolute elements in the absolute and exact space, to the relative distances and relations between the physical objects.
Along with societal sciences introduction to the field of urban planning, the objects of study changed from the physical elements themselves as being something realistic handled with geometry and mathematics and on to something relative. The focus of science was then the relative relations between the absolute objects. (Simonsen 2005: 167). In a mobility-perspective the focus is on the relative distances in between the different objects. An example can be the change of relative distance when bridging an island to the mainland. The result has changed the relative distance – both time-wise and symbolically.
I make use of the relational perception of space, which does not separate the social and the spatial as two entities: space is seen as produced by physical sceneries carried out socially by people inhabiting it. This is not only to eliminate archaic perceptions of space, but also put an emphasis on mobility. Urban mobility is widely seen as one of the most common practices in our cities. Urban studies have concerned the socio-practical acts of moving around in the city but have been more focused on the flânerie – strolling with the specific purpose of experiencing the city. (Sheller & Urry 2000:738) I see the flâneurs' participation, experiences and portraits of the city as important inputs to spatial analysis. However, I see mobility as a socio-spatial experience with the central purpose to go from A to B, which outnumbers the flâneurs in our daily production of urban spaces and contributes in another way than when strolling the streets. I see urban mobility as embodied practices contributing differently, to the production of space, depending on the means of transport.
4.2 Ontology
As mentioned in the problem area, the methodological framework is based on Lefebvre’s triad for analysing the production of social space. (Lefebvre 1991: 33) Throughout the report, the social and the spatial are merged and will be perceived as socio-spatial – meaning the social is inherent in space. Practically meant, social activities are embedded in time and space which make activities and processes in time and space the object of interest. (Simonsen 2004: 168) Or as the French sociologist, Merleau Ponty, expresses it:
Ponty represents the corporeality phenomenology, where the object of study is the experiences of the body as container for both consciousness and physical mass.(Simonsen 1999: 13). Thus the body has a double character, it is both perceiving and meanwhile perceived at the same time. (Simonsen 2001: 37).
These bodily experiences are key especially in regard to geographical studies due to its embedment in time and space. The report therefore not only focuses on the physical planning but also on the practical activities and created bicycle culture as the field of study. Thus the report focuses on both the context and the subjects appropriating the context. Within a socio-spatial ontology a characteristic of the autonomy of the subject is relevant to place the inhabitants of Copenhagen as autonomous individuals or structure-controlled dupes. It is of course not a binary question but instead a discussion about complex power-relations between agency and structure, which Anthony Giddens presents in his Theory of structuration. (Giddens 1984, Simonsen 2001: 19).
4.2.1 Structure and agency
Giddens’ theory of structuration is an attempt to answer the debate about the functionalism and structuralism versus Hermeneutics and other interpretive sociology. Like Lefebvre and Merleau Ponty he breaks the debate by adding practices as the medium (Giddens 1984: 2).
“The social systems in which structure recursively implicated, on the contrary, comprise the situated activities of human agents, reproduced in time and space.” (Giddens 1984: 25)
The structure is produced- and produces agencies. By emphasizing social practice as key for constitution of society, he overcomes the binary discussions of either or autonomy of agencies. Instead, Giddens introduces structuration as the social act of constituting or reproducing society. When agencies act (in time and space) in regard to a certain structure, simultaneously they reproduce and reinterpret the structure. Thus the structures in which agencies practice are constantly undergoing changes by the agencies themselves. Giddens’ theory of structuration goes well with Lefebvre’s triad due to Giddens focus on embodied practice as medium between agency and structure.
But what makes the agencies practice within the mutable structures? Giddens presents a fine balance in this duality by his trichotomy of knowledge consisting of: Discursive knowledge, Practical knowledge and Unconscious motive/cognition. (Andersen & Kaspersen 2005: 380). This approach comes in handy in the further methods for gathering data of the lived life in Copenhagen.
The practical knowledge can best be described as something we are able to use without further reflection on the actual activity. As an often-used example the activity of playing football: we know how to play, but we do not have to account for how we physically and technically are able to kick the ball. (Andersen & Kaspersen 2005: 380). Most of our activities when playing football are done intuitively. The same thing occurs if you ask somebody to write a manual about balancing on a bicycle; it is a practical skill taught by doing. The routines embedded in the practical knowledge are not a part of our discursive knowledge; instead, we are very aware of the consequences of these actions, due to our former experiences. This theory differentiates from structuralists’ all-encompassing power to the structures, which also shows the interrelation between the elements of Lefebvre´s triad. Due to our capabilities to reflect on our actions and their further effect on our surroundings, we are also able to change the systems or leading discourses. Although in a hypercomplex society we very seldom have the ability to decipher our actions into all effects, which causes secondary or unexpected outcomes along with the intended. A last important ability for the actor is the capability to develop practical knowledge into discursive knowledge by reflection (Giddens 1984: 4).
The unconscious motives/cognition are comprised by unintended and unknown motives, and have no relevance in this report. (Giddens 1984: 7, Fuglsang &Kaspersen 2005: 380).
Like Lefebvre, Giddens emphasizes the interaction between social practices, the structures and how these factors merge in time and space.
“All social activity is formed in three conjoined moments of difference: temporally, structurally and spatially; the conjunction of these express the situated character of social practices.” (Simonsen 2001: 34).
Not only does Giddens contribute by illuminating the balance between structures and agency, but also on the focus in my gathering - and analysis - of my data. While it has shown that our knowledge of cycling - like playing football – mostly is carried out as practical knowledge I let my interviewees reflect on the act of riding their bikes in Copenhagen.
4.2.2 ‘The production of space’ as ontology
As mentioned above Lefebvre´s triad includes embodied activities (spatial practice), the physical construction and the intentions of the physically constructed space (representational space) and the ideas and myths of the space (Representations of space), which suits the context of this analysis. The three elements are considered equal in the production of space, but can overrule each other depending on the production of space. Some spaces might have a powerful representational space affecting the two other elements. In a church for instance, traditions, history and symbols encourage a very certain practice. People are quiet in the church even though nobody tells them to be so.
The ontology is only inspired by phenomenology´s emphasis on the immediate perception of things without theories and methods. By introducing different sources of perceptions from the literature in the introduction, true phenomenologists would claim, the immediate perception has already been distorted and the data forced (Fuglsang & Olsen 2004: 285). The present moderate phenomenological approach contributes as one among several approaches to increase the knowledge of the field of interest, which is utilized when gathering data on the spatial practice. The field of interest – urban mobility – is experienced as a complex system consisting of various factors and produced by several actors. It is physical (roads, hills, cars, bikes) and mental (opinions about the infrastructure, design, security, speed etc.), thus an interdisciplinary and ideographic approach will contribute to findings including a more elaborated view on velo-mobility in Copenhagen.
4.3 Epistemology
What is space in this specific context? Above is stated that space is social, and has to be interpreted and analysed as a process. Space is also considered as being unique, which results in contextual findings. To explain the epistemology further an example can shed light on the field of interest. In the following, the central square of Copenhagen will be described in the above scientific perspective.
The central square in Copenhagen, consists if a physical space (representations of space); a volume consisting of bricks, concrete, roads, pavements, bicycle-lanes, glass and steel shaping the architecture of the space embedded in architectural ideals, style, contextual, challenges and advantages. The architecture is based on different times’ leading discourses of planners, politicians and social-engineers. (Lefebvre 1991: 33, Shield PPT[2]), these are the layers of ideas put onto a historical plaza like the central square. Through time the discourses have changed at the central square and thus changed the socially constructed space.
The representational space contains the lived space with its associated images and symbols or the discourse of space. Memories related to the place, such as the national football team on the balcony in 1992 or the new years evenings, create our social imaginary of the square.
The central square of Copenhagen consists of many routines and daily lives, as symbols constituting parts of spatial practices. The above ruling discourses imbedded all affect the embodied spatial practices from the recurrent inhabitants to the photo-practice of the tourist’s single visit.
The three-part nature of the field, and the use theory of structuration, calls for a moderate perspectivism as well as an acceptance of a moderate social constructivism without neglecting realism completely. (Olsen & Pedersen 2008: 142). The approach can also be described as abductive. In the analysis indications are collected to deduce relations and mechanisms, which affect the specific events. (Hansen & Simonsen 2004: 34)
Leaning towards a scientific paradigm for validating, critical realism can exemplify the epistemology in the analysis. This implies contextual conclusions, and conclusions beginning with: “There are good reasons to believe...”(Fuglsang & Olsen 2004: 160). There might be a reality, which is pursued but recognized as being an unattainable ideal: the more perspectives enlightening the research question, the better reasons to believe the findings of why Copenhageners bicycle and what space they produce. The findings are thus analytical, which help to:
“(…)to expand and generalize theories (analytical generalization) and not to enumerate frequencies (statistical generalization)” (Yin 2003: 10)
In this case the gathered data is held up against similar theories to elaborate the findings of the space of velo-mobility, thus the intention is not to generalise rather to discuss the condensed statements found in the data and its consequences.
4.3.1 Validity
The latter has certain implications for the validity of the report, because how can a research conclude contextually? Transparency and an elaborated methodology is key when doing perspectivistic science. By putting out every step in the process to the findings, readers can backward map statements to the very source and follow each thought back to its founding breeding ground. According to Yin, validity is a matter of how well the data covers the research question. The research question is covered with different kinds of data, which is presented in the following. (Olsen & Pedersen 2008: 194).
Due to a small amount of data I have chosen a triangulated approach that implies four different sets of data and four different methods for gathering and handling the data. I am aware that timeframe and capacity are constraints on a more elaborated and therefore more valid research. Given the scale of the research, I see data-triangulation as the most efficient approach in this situation. Borrowing from the original geometric concept of triangulation Robert K, Yin explains triangulation as:
"A point in geometric space may be established by specifying the intersection of three vectors (...) this concept has been borrowed for dealing with social science evidence. The most robust facts must be considered to have been established if three sources all coincide(...) This type of triangulation is the most desired pattern for dealing with case study data and you should always seek to attain it.” (Yin 2003: 83)
The triangulated data in the report consists of: scientific articles, expert interviews and cyclist interviews. The empirical point of departure is founded by the literature review, but heavily inspired by phenomenology gathering of data also imply an openness towards new thoughts and phenomena. Practically, this will be shown by a focus on impulses in the cyclist interviews, and openness towards more than just the theoretical boxes I use as guidelines for structuring the analysis.
4.4 Data
In the following I will describe the data, the coding and the final use of the data in the analysis. The complete collection of data also gives the reader a possibility to judge whether the research questions are covered sufficiently with the different kinds of data. I have chosen four different kinds of data: expert interviews, desk-research, cyclist interviews, and video-recordings.
4.4.1 Experts
There are two main purposes for interviewing experts (planners, architects, researchers, lobbyists). In relation to the development of velo-mobility in Copenhagen it has been necessary to contact experts. They are, and have been, an active part in developing the bicycle infrastructure either directly as planner Niels Jensen (CPH) from the municipality of Copenhagen and architect Helle Søholt(Søholt) from Gehl Architects. Or indirectly as Jens Loft Rasmussen (DCF) as lobbyist at the Danish Cycling federation and Thomas Sick Nielsen (UNI) Associated Professor at Forest and Landscape, University of Copenhagen. Altogether they are a unique source of information both politically, for strategic planning aspects, for international context, etc. Together with statistics and planning literature they constitute the foundation for finding feedback mechanisms and tipping points for velo-mobility in Copenhagen.
Secondly, in a Lefebvre context, to cover the source dominating space physically, here referring to representation of space as being the dominant space inhabited by “the space of scientists, planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers and social engineers” (Lefebvre 1991: 38). By adding different professions all working in the field of planning I am more capable to compare ideas, ideologies, research and private interests. By working in the field the experts contribute with more abstract perspectives on the representational space than the cyclists.
4.4.2 Cyclists
Due to the relatively small number of informants in the research, the choosing of informants is of significant importance. (Flyvbjerg 2000: 147). In my choosing of the 6 informants I focused on urban dwellers without cars, which deliberately have chosen the bicycle instead of private cars. The informants are men and women ranging from the late 20´s up to mid 30´s, where half of them have one or two children. (See appendix 2 coding 1 for details). The informants are all in the transition from DINKI´s[3] to new parents and in position to be first-time-buyers of cars, but who all have refrained from being auto-mobile. I deliberately wanted to eliminate the economic incentive for biking, albeit the economy incentive - not surprisingly - came up during the interviews anyway.
This characterises the 6 cyclists as Copenhageners who spend a lot of time in the saddle but have the possibility to favour and drive a car. I considered it to be difficult to make people reflect on their daily bicycling but expected this particular segment to be more reflective. By deliberately choosing the bicycle, they have reflected on their mode of transportation and cycling thus both a part of their discursive consciousness and also of their practical consciousness.
The cyclist interviews are primarily chosen to analyse the spatial practice element in Lefebvre´s triad. As mentioned when describing my methodological foundation, our daily practices play an important role in the constitution of society. (Lefebvre 1991; Giddens 1984). Along with data on the cyclists’ practice, they also provide data for the representational space with the myths, symbols and narratives about bicycling. I have therefore made an effort to make the interviewees reflect on how they perceive bicycling in general and not only how they practice their daily bicycling.
4.4.3 Video-recordings
To analyse the spatial practice further, and inspired by Ponty´s statement: I am my body, I wanted to include myself as cyclist – practicing in the space of velo-mobility. Practically, I mounted a digital camera on the handlebars, started the recordings at Nørrebro Station and rode through some of the most crowded streets of Copenhagen to Christianshavn. Each trip lasted for approximately 25-30 minutes covering 5.3km, and varied in both congestion, kind of traffic users and speed. The trips were made at different times of the day to show both rush-hour and calm street practices.
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| Map of the recorded route and the low-tech equipment used to capture the spatial practice |
As the frames from the recordings show, it is a very limited display of the actual practice. I will not consider it a false reproduction of the practice of cycling, rather a contribution that is hard to be captured in interviews. The video´s lack of all the aspects of cycling will also be touched upon later in the analysis.
Initially, the recordings were meant to show me as a cyclist in Copenhagen; however, it also showed my fellow commuters on the way. However, during the recordings I became very aware of my perception of the code of conducts and the road traffic act. In the analysis of the video-recordings I therefore both include my own reflexions on my practice along with the filmed bicyclists.[4]
4.4.4 Literature
The databases used when desk-researching for literature mainly consisted peer-reviewed academic literature e.g.: EBSCOhost, CSA alumina, JSTOR and Taylor and Francis. The initial search was done on specific search words and later on relevant authors’ bibliographies. The secondary literature will not be referenced with the primary in back.[5]
4.5 Total dataset
As shown, Lefebvre´s three elements are covered with at least two datasets each to be able to crosscheck. Regarding the data for covering the development of the velo-mobility system in Copenhagen, it is mainly inherent in the data for the representations of space, covered by expert interviews and literature. In the following the coding of the data is described.
4.6 Methods and coding of data
The concrete method is the final step of the methodology where the data has will be treated with regard to ontology and epistemology. I will start with the two different interviews followed by the video-recordings.
The two interviews are executed very similarly with a recorded session lasting from 30 minutes up to two hours. However, the data needed is very different, which affect both method and coding of the interviews. Simplified the interviews can be distinguishes between two types of interviews[6]
Status of data | Methodology | |
Experts | Facts about events, phenomena and its consequences - Useful for description | Broad and descriptive questions, accepted, as direct sources of information (albeit crosschecking with rest of experts) |
Cyclists | Authentic and personal experiences - Useful for further condensing of collective perspectives on specific phenomena | Half-structured open-ended interviews with individual crosschecking and elaboration of personal experiences |
The data is all considered equally important in the analysis of each of the elements in Lefebvre´s triad, and the data is strategically gathered for each of the elements in the triad, however I tend to keep the interviews open and not rigidly to each element so overlaps are more than welcome.
4.6.1 Experts
In these interviews I balance between an approach where informants give access to facts regarding the infrastructure policies of a more descriptive kind. Whereas questions regarding the representational space can be seen as interaction with the experts in defining leading social perceptions and cultures in the designated space. (Silverman 1995:91).
The interviews are separated into two different parts: The first part deals with the analysis of the present social space of velo-mobility in Copenhagen, concerning the creation - both political, social, economic and cultural aspects, and the experts’ perspectives of the significant drivers for velo-mobility in Copenhagen. The second part deals with future velo-mobility planning in Copenhagen as well as focusing more on cities in general, which relate more to Kingsley and Urry´s socio-technical system, notions of tipping points and paths for development. [7]
In the expert interviews I mainly take the informants answers as source of direct information (Silverman 1995: 91). However, the difference of profession within the experts will allow certain crosschecking as well, but the experts are believed to be more 'objective'[8] than when the cyclists are talking about their own lives (see appendix 8 for practical interview-guides).
The status as information is also the reason for me not to transcribe the interviews. There is no line of coding and analysis in the same way as the cyclists, who are describing personal aspects of bicycling. To create an overview of the interview an outline of the topics with sentences capturing the essence has been produced. (See appendix 4). Along with the literature on the subjects, Kingsley and Urry’s socio-technical system has also been used as a check-list, for the interview-guide.
4.6.2 Cyclists
In these interviews I allow the informants to talk about their daily lives with the use of open-ended questions. There are plenty of pitfalls, when it comes to interviewing people about themselves, due to the fact that we usually want to stage ourselves in the best way to our surroundings and especially also to an interviewer with a certain objective for interviewing – everybody wants to help. (Silverman 1995: 97). According my to ontology and epistemology I interpret their information given as their interpretation of themselves. However, to come closer to a reality it is necessary to ask 'around' the interviewers staged answers. I do this with questions about their daily routines, or using Giddens, to make the informants reflect on their practical consciousness and thereby let it enter the discursive consciousness. According to Steinar Kvale this often requires a safe almost intimate atmosphere. The informants are told to reflect on praxis they usually take for granted and risk exposing themselves with less staging. This provides me with the informants’ perceptions of routines and phenomena for further analysis (Kvale1998: 19).
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| Map for introduction and drawings |
I have used different methods in the actual interviews to make the interviewees’ focus on their daily routines. In the beginning of the interview I introduced a bicycle map of Copenhagen and made them draw their last three trips or their more daily routes on the map. It had the purpose of an icebreaker and to turn the focus onto the practice of bicycling. The maps are not considered as independent data, but more as a method to reach the purpose of the interview. I have thus refrained to analyse the maps as separate data; however, it also shows tendencies of the rationalities used when choosing the road, which will appear in the analysis as well.
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| Scheme of incentives |
Just as the maps, I had made a scheme with seven different incentives for bicycling to force the interviewees to prioritise and reflect on the different incentives to ride the bike. The main product was not the list they made but the conversation the list would initiate. Again the list cannot be used as independent statistical data due to the very low number of participants. (See appendix 4 for incentive details).
In comparison to the expert interviews the data from the cyclists is soft and personal. Therefore the data has been coded through three steps as follows.
Shortly after the interview I wrote down the situation and the impressions I felt when conducting the interview. In this way the reader is able to get an impression of each interviewee, and an elaborated understanding of why the interviewees reacted in certain ways. In short it is a description of what cannot be felt in recordings and transcriptions, such as the environment and bodily expressions or, for example, irony, which is much harder to understand when written. It is done to prevent the interviews being converted into only words, which, according to Steinar Kvale, is a degrading of the data gathered. (Kvale 1998:181).'
The second step is the actual transcription, which has been done as close to the recordings as possible. This means mumbling and pauses are, if possible, included. Hesitation can have a major importance when expressing oneself. I have tried to keep as much from the interview to the report. By doing so I prevent myself from loosing meanings when cutting up the quotes for organising (See appendix 3).
The thirds step is where each individual statement is put together with similar statements organised thematically or condensed. (Kvale 1998:192). The quotes will still have their owner’s nametag, but they are taken out of context to create a group of statements or the condensed meaning from the 6 cyclists. The categories were not made beforehand, however I knew from the interview-guide that certain categories would appear in every interview, such as breaking the rules, other cyclists, cars, etc. Along with the coding several new categories appeared and after the coding some categories could be considered closely related. (See Appendix 4).
After the three steps the categories were read through again and the most important were chosen for the analysis.
4.6.3 Video recordings
Since I practice bicycling on a daily basis myself I consider myself a source of data as well. So instead of hiding a bias in my writing I will describe my experiences with the video-recordings from Copenhagen with my methodological and theoretical background. The video-recordings are analysed through watching both my personal bicycle practice and the fellow bicyclists. They recordings have been looked through several times to find certain patterns or phenomena of interest. They are held up against the interviewees’ practical experiences and provide a visual introduction to the space of velo-mobility. To the experienced bicyclist this presentation may seem obvious and superfluous, but if that is the case, it just underlines the fact that bicycling is taken for granted and is a part of our practical knowledge.
It is not easy to present motion picture on paper, so video-sequences are presented with 12 or 18 numbered frames from specific events in a collage. It is recommended to see the full-length video-recordings in appendix 1, where tempo and sounds are presented better.
[1] Translated from Danish: “Jeg er ikke foran min krop, Jeg er i min krop, eller rettere jeg er min krop”
[2] See appendix 10
[3] Double Income No Kids
[4] The video-camera was a little unstable and stopped a couple of times during the recording, which has caused some small breaks in the whole recording.
[5] For further information on secondary literature: jeppe.mikel@gmail.com
[6] Inspired by (Silverman 1995: 91)
[7] It is necessary to mention that these interviews had a second purpose as well. When not studying I am conducting a research for United Nations Human Settlements Programme whereas the experts were also told to comment on their potential partnerships and contributions to a global information platform for non-motorized transportation. However only Helle Søholt put the main focus on this part or took the interview to a more international level. The other three experts were mainly focused to present their perspective on the development of bicycling in Copenhagen.
[8] I am aware that my critical realistic epistemological clash with objective scientific ideals – therefore the reverse commas.
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