Chapter 1: Background and Research Question

                  1.1 Introduction

The point of departure for this dissertation and blog started at the Velo-City Global conference in Copenhagen in the summer 2010. More than 50 nationalities were gathered to discuss the future of velo-mobility – cycling as a means of transportation. When gathering so many enthusiasts in one place the consensus is very clear from the start: cycling is tomorrow’s means of transport! 

During the conference this goal was approached in various ways and the participants repeatedly looked towards either Denmark or The Netherlands for the solutions. These two countries are bicycle pioneers with a significantly high percentage of cyclists, along with a high degree of prosperity. Denmark and The Netherlands are examples of best-practice cases for the goal for Velo-City Global 2010.[1]

At the end of the conference both Jens Loft, director of the Danish Cycling Federation and Roloef Wittink from I-CE, The Netherlands[2], expressed an obligation to operationalize their experiences to benefit their colleagues in other countries. This expressed obligation started my initial interest in bicycling due to a paradox within this conference. There are no constraints for enhancing urban velo-mobility and the incentives are staggering, yet only few cities have a developed a velo-mobility infrastructure competitive to auto-mobility.  

Allocation of fossil fuel consumption  (2009) 

Within the last years the incentives for urban velo-mobility has increased. In urban areas smog problems are increasing. In the developed countries we are facing major health issues and obesity is increasing globally due to lack of exercise and unhealthy living. In developing countries the lack of mobility is a barrier for alleviating poverty and improving quality of life. Increasing the level of bicycles in the city can ease both smog issues and health issues and increased range of mobility. On a global scale the climate change discussion is becoming more and more evident. Globally, initiatives are taken to overcome the climate challenge with the COP meetings as the global political stage. The climate challenge is considered a problem on the global agenda unlike any other before, whereas motorized transportation uses 17pct. of the total use of fossil fuel (Giddens 2009: 2, UNEP). Yet very little has been carried out to promote bicycling, and the usage and production of cars still increase globally, due to an increase in prosperity.

In 2008 more than half of the world’s population lived in urban areas and the number is predicted to rise to 5 billion in 2030 (UNFPA). Combined with the climate change challenges, this put an even greater emphasis on the potential of velo-mobility. According to Helle Søholt, founding partner in Gehl Architects, the rapid expansion of major cities in the world does not fit into an infrastructure based on the car (Søholt 22:20). The simple fact that a car takes up 8 times as much space as a bicycle emphasises the possibilities for an increase in urban velo-mobility. In Mexico City, the third largest city in the world[3], the average speed when driving a car is down to 12.5kmt/hr. This not only makes the bicycle cheaper, healthier and eco-friendly, but also a faster means of transport. However, as Helle Søholt also states, it is now we have the window of opportunity, we need to act on fact, before the opportunity disappears (Søholt 23:20).

The above articulates the reasons for Jens Loft’s and Roloef Wittink’s obligation. This is the point of departure for my thesis. If the good bicycle examples are to be exported it is necessary to decipher the characteristics of the space of velo-mobility. What does the Copenhagen bicycle-package consist of, and how did Copenhagen develop a velo-mobility infrastructure competitive to auto-mobility?  

As a point of reference a brief introduction to the cycle status of Copenhagen follows, to introduce the pioneer case.

                  1.2 A brief description of Copenhagen’s bicycle system

The current bicycle infrastructure was partially completed in the 70´s, which provides excellent physical conditions for bicycling in Copenhagen. During the last century cycling has always been a natural mode of transportation and used by both the homeless and the mayors (Jensen 2002: 5).

Copenhagen has a modal split[4] with 36pct bicycling in total (2009), which is the highest percentage among European capitals.  In comparison, the number of people who commute to work on their bikes in New York City is 0.4 pct. - or the same number that commutes by ferry.[5] 

Bicycle Counter

Source: Urbanaudit.org

Descriptive cycle-statistics of Copenhagen numbers  

• The total distance Copenhageners ride adds up to 1.2m kilometres every day of the year.

• To facilitate the journeys Copenhagen has approximately 350km of cycle lanes, which are mostly separated from the roads and pedestrians by curbstones. 
  
• The cyclists in Copenhagen are between 10 and 84 years of age and ride on average 3km pr. day.
  
• The average speed for a cycling Copenhagener is 16 km/h, whereas a motorist can make it through the city with an average of 27km/h.
  
• One of the most used streets in Copenhagen is Nørrebrogade. Everyday more than 30.000 bicyclists are passing by. In other words, every three seconds a bike is passing by the counter on Queen Louise’s Bridge.
  
• The primary reason for Copenhageners to choose cycling is the convenience and because it is the fastest way to go from A to B in Copenhagen. (Cykelregnskab 2008)

As a consequence of the peer pressure on the street, Nørrebrogade is used as a test for reorganising the road priority, so that space is taken from the motorists and given to bicyclists. It has shown to increase cyclism further and has recently become permanent. Nørrebrogade is a good example on the priority cyclism is given in Copenhagen. At the same time it shows the physical outcome of the competition between the different means of transportation. On average it is shown that a new paved cycle-lane increases the number of cyclists with 20pct. and a decrease of 20pct. of motorists. (Cykelregnskab 2008)
The following video produced for the foreign ministry of Denmark clearly represents the outcomes of the above figures.

The above statistics of Copenhagen along with the participants’ experience of velo-mobility in Copenhagen had an impressive effect on the participants at the Velo-City conference. (See picture)[6] The modal split in Copenhagen with 36 pct. done by bicycles is extraordinary. It leaves me, other planners and bicycle lobbyists and enthusiasts with the question of how this happened. How did Copenhagen create a modal split that serves the goal of sustainable cities? 

                  1.3. How did this happen?  
- Kingsley and Urry

To organise this complex question I make use of Kingsley Dennis and John Urry's studies of auto-mobility through time in ‘After the car’ (2009). There are two major reasons for this: the first reason is the above-mentioned competition between the different means of transport - what caused an increase in auto-mobility is likely to affect velo-mobility. The second reason is Kingsley and Urry's systemtheoretical approach, which focuses on the development of systems. They have developed a socio-technical system, which includes physical inventions as well as cultural and social reasons. Their approach will be utilized in the following analysis of the velo-mobility development in Copenhagen         

                  1.4 What does the space of cyclists consists of?
- Henri Lefebvre

As a Copenhagener myself cyclism has until recently not been given any special attention. Copenhageners do not in general pay attention to the unique bicycle environment they live in. However, this environment is also the object of study in the present report. With the use of Henri Lefebvre´s meta-theoretical framework as a foundation, the focus is not only on the historical development but also on the present production of the space of velo-mobility. In The production of space (1991) Lefebvre uses three elements to capture how space is produced. The elements include social, mental, physical and cultural aspects, which matches my own perception of space. Lefebvre also encompasses the historical elements, which Kingsley and Urry elaborate further. Together the two theoretical contributions give the perspective from where the rest of the literature is seen through. In the following I will present a brief review of the vast variety of literature that can be found in relation to this topic.

                  1.5 Writings on bicycling – A short literature review

Copenhagen as case-study is of course convenient due to its proximity, hence the fact that I have lived there for several years. It might seem as superfluous information, however it turns out to be of great importance if one reviews the literature done on velo-mobility. 

In this short literature review there will be an emphasis on the different incentives bicycle literature presents, the origin of the written material and the producers of the knowledge available. The different perspectives taken in the majority of the articles are encompassed by the incentives explained in the UNEP-report ’Planning and implementation of campaigns to promote bicycle use in Latin American countries’. UNEP’s line of incentives to promote cycling are as follow: health issues, environmental sustainability, leisure, sport, commuting, social aspects, democratic aspects and the bicycles effect on urban space and auto-mobility. (UNEP 2010: 13). In the review, the literature is divided into: a selection of academics with special emphasis on velo-mobility, some of our classic urban thinkers and examples of normative guidelines.

     1.5.1 Bicycle literature

In general most of the literature found on velo-mobility or cyclism is made by academics from cities with hardly any bicycle traditions, which seem to give cyclism a sort of exotic angle in their writings. Zack Furness, presents a good example of how bicycling is perceived in America. He is very aware of the different incentives to ride bikes as mentioned above, but he is focusing on the democratic element of biking, which was the main task in his Ph.D. from the university of Pittsburgh. (Furness 2005). His work focuses on the bicycle as a means of stating rights, reclaiming the urban space. He merges the bicycle with politics focusing on the historic development in America. According to Furness, the bike became a symbol for the Social Democrats’ movements, which contradicted the American dream (Furness 2005: 404). Furness sums up the American history of the bicycle as being stigmatized without experiencing the renaissance we have seen, for instance in Copenhagen. 

Dave Horton, the editor of the book ‘Cycling and society’ (2009), also emphasizes the fact that Brits do not perceive the bicycle as the norm compared to the present case in Copenhagen. However, the book contributes with a very diverse introduction to the bicycle and the various indicators mentioned above (Horton et al. 2007: 2). The objective of the book is to cover the variety of perceptions of the bike and how it is used. This is done in articles describing the different usage and identities of the bike. The book states the fact that cities are bound to reconsider their perceptions of the bike in the near future, due to changes in our mobility. In the near future we will almost certainly see many mobility battles as massive pressures towards auto-mobility continue to conflict with entrenched patterns of land use, behaviour and affordability. (Horton et al: 2007: 3)

Kingsley and Urry also emphasize similar prospects in ‘After the car’, but with a broader perspective than Horton et al. Kingsley and Urry use the car-perspective and address the issue more analytically and abstractly by creating their socio-technic system. They focus on the competitiveness of auto-mobility and predict a harder competition within modal splits and a break with the car-monopoly. (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 65)

Michael W. Pesses uses Kingsley and Urry´s analytical framework in a bicycle perspective. However, and maybe due to Pesses nationality, his case is mainly about long distance touring in America. This differs from what Pesses states as, utilitarian bicyclism - “that is the one who rides bicycle for reasons other than recreation” (Pesses 2009: 7). His studies are therefore not exactly the objective of the thesis, but useful regardless due to his reflections on auto-mobility:

“The bicycle (long distance red.) tour is a temporary repositioning of one´s role in auto-mobility” (Pesses 2009: 7).

The repositioning is key for understanding the vast majorities of velo-mobility literature due to auto-mobility´s monopolistic appropriation of urban space for years.  His main sources are interviews with practitioners of long distance touring and their re-appropriation of a space heavily controlled by cars. Pesses includes Harvey´s relative notion of space (Pesses 2009: 12) to show how the interviewees’ mental maps and perception of relative locations differ by their means of transport, and present new perspectives of roads, surroundings cars etc. Pesses uses, as most of the articles I have come across, current auto-mobility research into velo-mobility. For example, one of his key findings is the fact that riding a bicycle is:

“(…) more than a way to get around town, high-end bicycles are marketed as symbols of speed, grace, dignity and class. The choice to purchase a 'road bike', along with the special shoes, helmet, and a colourful Lycra-spandex can almost be equated with purchasing a Porsche. It is more than a mode of transportation; it is an identity”(Pesses 2009: 20).

In the latter, Pesses uses Mimi Sheller’s notion from her article: “Automotive emotions: feeling the car”(2004) to express that:

“Car cultures (in Pesses´ article the bike) have social, material and above all affective dimensions that are overlooked in current strategies to influence car-driving decisions”(Sheller 2004: 22).

The designated bicycle-literature selected as representational all have a clear common denominator: the bicycle is mirrored in the car. 

In their article, Cupples and Ridley describe this binary notion between bicycles and cars as a potential challenge to the enhancements of global velo-mobility. (Cupples & Ridley 2008: 263) The car is perceived as the black sheep, which according to Cupples and Ridley can cause a counter effect. To focus on what the bicycle can cure also includes the fact that people who do not bicycle pollute, suffer from obesity, jam the traffic etc. According to Cupples and Ridley cycling is both presented as the revelation and also as a major provocation. (Cupples & Ridley 2008:260)

The above examples show a brief but representational view of how present research on velo-mobility is carried out in the light of auto-mobility. This signals two important issues in the velo-mobility literature. Firstly, there is a lack of grounded velo-mobility research detached from the auto-mobility and secondly, the researcher mainly sees velo-mobility through auto-mobility eyes. With this in mind I will rely on their findings and focus on a micro-scale research with an awareness of my bias towards cyclism. In Copenhagen the mobility battle is more equally divided between auto- and velo-mobility and the thesis revolves around the utilitarian bicycle optic.

     1.5.2 Classical space analytics 

The classic social scientists and geographers dealing with the construction and production of space have also a natural part in the literature I have come across in my research. Most of them are widely referenced in the literature above, such as David Harvey (‘Spaces of global capitalism’) Michel De Certeau (‘The practice of everyday life’), Marc Augé (‘Non-spaces’), Jane Jacobs (‘Death and life of great American cities’) and Henri Lefebvre (‘The productions of space’) etc. Their ideas are presented as classics due to their quality, level of abstraction, hence level of generalization. However, it is necessary also to consider the notion of aging when it comes to ideas. 

The theorists above would all agree on the city as vibrant and in flux – a process, which has to be taken into account when applying it to present urban mobility. This notion is discussed in Ole B. Jensen´s article: '”Facework”, Flow and the City: Simmel, and Goffman, and Mobility in the Contemporary City.’(Jensen 2006). George Simmel and Erwing Goffman are also often drawn into the discussion of urban mobility. Their broadly based analysis of interaction in public space also allows further use in mobility studies and therefore in velo-mobility studies too.

Their micro-scale sociology focuses on creation of identity, which inevitably has an impact on the way people move around the city: which discourses are controlling our attention when it comes to the choice of transportation? They have, however, not had mobility in mind as such, but more broadly, life in the city. So there has to be taken precautions and considerations when applying their thoughts to velo-mobility. (Jensen 2006: 154) Simmel and Goffman´s analytical frames are magnificent tools to decipher the complexity of modern urban life and its mobilities (Horton et al. 2007: 28), but the authors have to be re-read when taking into account our era of rapid increase in mobility or hypermobility. This must have been impossible to foresee when for instance Marc Augé presented his ideas of Non-Places, Simmel his ideas of blasé attitudes and Goffmann’s notion of front-stage and back-stage. (Jensen 2006: 162)

     1.5.3 Normative guidelines

Along with the analytical publications above, a vast majority of material is published with a more technical approach to velo-mobility funded by IGO’s, GO’s and NGO’s. Due to the technical and normative nature of these reports found, I will only briefly describe the most elaborated projects I have come across, along with an evaluation of different initiatives for increasing the use of bicycles.

One of the best-known projects is: Analysis and Development Of New Insight into Substitution of short car trips by cycling and walking - ADONIS. Initially, it was produced in 1998 by the Danish Ministry of Roads and later developed through the EU’s fourth Framework up to the sixth. The objective is to map possibilities for increasing non-motorized transportation – now hosted by the Transport Research Knowledge Centre, TRKC. The project has done a comprehensive research on different possibilities for physical improvements to persuade more people to use bikes.[7] 

A far smaller evaluation-report, by David Ogilvi et al. at the university of Glasgow, has compared 22 initiatives for the promotion of non-motorized transportation. The initiatives are divided into 6 categories: Targeted behaviour change programmes, Publicity campaigns and agents of change, Engineering measures, Financial incentives and Providing alternative services. (Ogilvi et al. 2004: 2) They find that only Targeted behaviour change programmes[8]

“can be effective in changing the transport choices of motivated subgroups, but the social distribution of their effects and their effects on the health of local populations are unclear” (Ogilvi et al 2004: 5)

Along with the above findings there has been too much of an inconsistency in the other initiatives to be able to state them as efficient. This can be seen as an interesting reply to TRKC studies in physical best-practice research, which primarily focuses on physical aspects or: Engineering measures. (Ogilvi et al 2004: 5) This is of course relative and TRKC are naturally using more integrated approaches and analysis when advocating non-motorized transportation. However, it is striking how TRKC – an EU funded research centre – prioritize physical planning as the key to changing mobility behaviour. 

In the thesis the approach is slightly different. It is an analysis of the spatial product of the best -practice bicycle example. Instead of analysing the how to make more people cycle I focus on the people who are already cycling a lot and their characteristics.

                  1.6 Summing up and reflecting

In general the bicycle as a means of transportation has a large potential to meet future challenges for urban living. In the review I have presented an overview of the literature, which, in my opinion, appears insufficient to describe velo-mobility in Copenhagen. As the short case-description shows: cycling is a means of transportation on the same level as auto-mobility and public transport and should be analysed so. Jane Jacobs has shown what the car has made possible for modernist planning for the American cities in ‘The Life and death of great American cities’ (Jacobs 1992:349) and how it gradually shapes the city. In the same way it is interesting to examine how the bicycle has shaped the city of Copenhagen as well as to understand the characteristics of the produced space of velo-mobility. The thesis therefore includes an analysis of how the velo-mobility system gradually has been strengthened and weakened by technology and social events, and the present status of the socially produced space of velo-mobility in Copenhagen.

This leads to the following research question.

               1.7 Research Question

How did Copenhagen develop into an urban velo-mobility pioneer, and what are the characteristics of the socially produced space of velo-mobility of Copenhagen?

                  1.7.1 Explaining and limiting the research question

The research question refers to the specific context of the produced space of velo-mobility guided by Lefebvre’s’ analytical triad of the social production of space. The first part of the analysis will be guided primarily be Kingsley and Urry’s socio-technical system approach to analyse specific events effect the velo-mobility system. This thesis does not focus on the complete system of mobility, but will, however, refer to this for reference when analysing the system of velo-mobility. Even though the main interest sprang from the obligation to export the velo-mobility system the thesis will not focus on the exportability as such but instead specifically focus on the product to be exported. 

The research question is approached be analysing cyclists, experts and video-recordings of the cycle practice. Along with the analysis, the above-mentioned theorists from the brief literature review will be drawn in when relevant.

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[1] www.velo-city2010.com visited 3.1.2011
[2] Interface for Cycling Expertise, The Netherlands
[3] Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_metropolitan_areas_by_population (Visited 22.2.2011)
[4] The modal split is the varying proportions of each means of transportation in at a certain location e.g. Copenhagen.
[5] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Transportation_in_New_York_City#Commuting.2Fmodal_split (Visited 22.2.2011)
[6] www.velo-city2010.com/ (visited 3.1.2011)
[7] See: www.transport-research.info
[8] “changing travel behaviour by offering travel interventions or advice tailored solutions to peoples’ particular requirements”(Ogilvi 2004: 2)

Chapter 2: Reading Guide

Following the research question the research is divided into two parts: the study of the development of cycling in Copenhagen, and the analysis of the produced space of velo-mobility.

The chapters:

·      The first chapter is the present, containing the reasons for the analysis of the development and the produced space of velo-mobility in Copenhagen.

·      In chapter 3 the two main meta-theories are presented as the guiding frameworks to answer both parts of the research question which include:

◦      Henri Lefebvre´s development of the conceptual triad for analysing social space is introduced initially due to its affect on the perception of space and mobility. Its purpose is not only to explain the elements for further work but also to place it in the context of the history of ideas and explain the reasons for using Lefebvre as the main contributor to the report’s methodology.

◦      Kingsley and Urry’s’ socio-technical system is a significant analytical tool for understanding the infrastructural development in Copenhagen. Guided by the system-theoretical approach, a series of events from the development of Copenhagen’s velo-mobility system is analysed.

·      In Chapter 4 the ontological and epistemological consequences of the use of Lefebvre are presented to state the foundation for the methodology. It also includes discussions regarding validity and the balance of generalising from case studies. In the last part of chapter 4 the gathered data and the actual methods and the coding of each different dataset are presented.

·      In chapter 5 to 8 the analysis is carried out using both of the meta-theories presented in chapter 3

◦      Chapter 5 briefly introduces the following three analysis chapters.

◦      In chapter 6 the first part of the research question regarding the development of cyclism in Copenhagen is analysed. The summing up will include both the system approach and the first of Lefebvre’s three elements.

◦      In chapter 7 the practical parts of bicycling in Copenhagen are analysed

◦      In Chapter 8 the interviewees descriptions of bicycling are analysed

·      In chapter 9 – the conclusion, I will give my answer to the research question, both major drivers for the cycle development and a holistic presentation of the produced space of velo-mobility.

Chapter 3: Two Guiding Frameworks

In the following the two guiding theoretical frameworks are presented. Initially, and primarily, Lefebvre’s conceptual triad of the production of the social space is presented. Lefebvre not only contributes with an analytical method, but his perception of space and emphasis in the spatial practice is also used methodologically in the thesis. The analytical triad thus embraces the second guiding framework: Kingsley and Urry’s use of systemtheory. The system theory focuses on development or paths of the specific system.

               3.1 Lefebvre – the triad

As mentioned, Lefebvre will be the key component of the methodological framework, which calls for an elaborated description of his conceptual triad.

“The aim is to construct a theoretical unity between ‘fields’, which are apprehended separately,” (Lefebvre 1991: 11)

By referring to historical development of the perception of space Lefebvre emphasizes the change from an absolute to an abstract perception of space. (Shield 1998: 176, Lefebvre 2004: 47) In short, absolute space focuses only on the physical, ruled by warfare and military action. (Lefebvre 1991: 48, Simonsen 1999: 8) In contrast, the abstract space deconstructs the absolute and focuses only on the formal relationships between things/signs (See also Methodology chapter).

Instead of perceiving space as a whole, the elements, both physical and psychological, are analysed as part of the symbolism that shapes space. (Lefebvre 1991: 49) The two perceptions occur due to changes in the history of ideas (Shield 1998: 171), but, as Lefebvre states in the above quote, they are apprehended separately and have occurred as scientific paradigms, with antagonistic overtaking of the 'popular truth' instead of merging ideas. In his work, Lefebvre draws on the spatial development and bases his theorising of the production of space on The double illusion - the illusion of transparency and the realistic illusion (Lefebvre 1991: 27).    

The double illusion embarks on the break with Decartes’ dichotomy between mental (res cogitans) and material space (res extensa). (Lefebvre 1991: 39). The illusion of transparency is grounded in the intervention of talking and writing, which was widely accepted for describing a coded realm. The emphasis on decoding the coded realm gives space an intelligible nature and deflects the attention from the materiality of space in favour of mental and social elements, with a similar unilateral optic as Decartes´ res cogitans. (Lefebvre 1991: 29). By decoding space it thus occurs as illuminated, understandable and real. (Simonsen 2005: 169). Executing an epistemologically approach, based on the illusion of transparency, is done by writing and saying everything. Therefore, communication is key for changing space (i.e., society – revolution) with only little faith given the autonomy of the people. 

On the other hand the realistic illusion embarks on space perceived as (mechanical) materialistic; here the emphasis is on the physical - substantial and the natural. Space needs no decoding due to its materiality, thus mental and social elements of spatiality are deflected (res extensa). When studying space as a material, things appear as real. (Lefebvre 1991: 30).

According to Lefebvre, the above are examples of the apprehended separated aspects of spatial studies; aspects that are not entering antagonism, but are challenged due to the fact they both are stating conclusions within the same field. (Lefebvre 1991: 30). To apprehend, physical, mental and social elements as one, he introduces his conceptual triad. 

Lefebvre’s’ entry point for gathering these elements is: the body. The body posses the required characteristics to bridge the two apprehensions; it both perceives and is being perceived. It appears as both subject and object in one, thus overcomes Decartes´ optic mentioned above. The body consists of consciousness with embedded mental and social elements as well as a physical appearance, also noted in Merleau Ponty´s corporeity phenomenology. (Simonsen 2001: 25). When the body perceives and is being perceived it is actions situated in time and space, and thus affect the perspective of the perception of space. Perceiving space as a production is key, because practices, such as perceiving as well as all other bodily activities, are done in time and space and therefore constantly change. (Lefebvre 1991: 31).

The physical, mental and social now have the required setup to be conceptualised in a unifying meta-theory. Lefebvre does this by introducing and “bringing the various kinds of space and the modalities of their genesis together with one theory” (Lefebvre 1991: 16). Three different types of space merges in one when social space is produced. Applying the physical, mental and social into spatial analysis requires a set of definitions of each space or element described as follows:

• Spatial practice
  The physical is the practising body, which contributes to space with its physical appearance and its physical spatial practices, which Lefebvre states as the perceived space. We contribute to the production of space by perceiving – an active practice in time and space – whether we sitting silently on a bench or we commute on bikes.

• Representations of space
  The scientific work of planners, architects, and social scientists covers the mental aspect in the production of space. Space is conceived theoretically and abstractly by appointed people with the mandate to dominate space by physically shaping the space we live in – the conceived space. It is the abstract presentations of experience in space reduced to quantified movements along with historical and present planning ideals executed by leaders. This is utilised by understanding, knowledge, and ideologies, and can be explained as the discourse on space. (Lefebvre 1991: 41, Shield 1999: 161).

• Representational space
  The social element of space is considered the lived space, where history, culture, symbolism and tradition are socially created. This is done when people inhabit it, talk about it and think about it. According to Rob Shields, the socially produced sayings, symbols and thoughts can be described as, the discourses of space. These experiences are sought to be changed and appropriated by the users of space. (Lefebvre 1991: 39, Shields 1998:163). 

Lefebvre’s conceptual triangle incorporates all three elements dynamically and thus avoids Decartes’ binary struggle.

To partly utilise Lefebvre´s triad, we can use the Copenhagen case. Literature and experts on the subject and the gathering of data from practicing bicyclists contribute to cover the three elements of the triad (See methodology for data-covering).

To sum up the introduction to Lefebvre, the analytical triad briefly shows the data already presented and the data that needs to be gathered or discussed. 

Pragmatically, this can be put into equations as follows:

In the Copenhagen case, we already have the result of Lefebvre’s three elements: the well functioning social space of velo-mobility. It is each element of the triad that needs to be analysed. 

With Lefebvre´s triad in mind three sub questions can assist the research question:

-       What is the social practice of the bicyclists in Copenhagen?

-       What are the leading discourses on the space of velo-mobility? (representations of space)

-       What are the leading discourses of the space of velo-mobility? (Representational space)

3.2 Kingsley & Urry – The socio-technical system approach

The initial interest for Kingsley and Urry´s ‘After the car’ is based on the difference in objective in comparison to Lefebvre’s analytical project. With a critical perspective, Lefebvre’s analysis is utilized to understanding the present state of a certain field e.g. state, economy or urban space, etc. Kingsley and Urry’s’ approach is grounded in systemtheory, with an emphasis on the causes for change. System-theorists focus, rather, on the development of systems and their surrounding environments. The system-theory is applied due to the interest in how a series of historical events have affected the path of Copenhagen’s infrastructure to be a pioneer in velo-mobility. 

The inspiration sought in Kingsley and Urry’s post-car system is related to what Lefebvre calls the accumulated scientific knowledge as a part of the representations of space. (Lefebvre 1991:40). However, the development of the space of velo-mobility also affects the representation of space and the spatial practice indicated by the two-way arrows.

     3.2.1 Context - Systemtheory

According to system-theorists, the increasing complexity of the society makes us no longer capable of understanding the society and make rational decisions. The German sociologist Niklas Luhmann points out this evolution of society by emphasizing certain evolutionary steps in the organizing of our societies. 

It began with the relatively simple monarchies where the state and legal power were personalized in the hegemony. The simple system developed and increased in complexity with dispersion or outsourcing of the power into smaller sub-systems of politics, economy, geography, etc., towards our functional differentiated modern society. The different systems are affected by their environment and internal activity. These activities usually strive towards a return to equilibrium by self-reference. However, changes appear constantly and systems can disappear or evolve into more subsystems, or completely new systems. (Luhmann, 1990: 167). 

Our present society can be used as example. It has increased complexity and dispersed into numerous subsystems, both geographically in counties and municipalities and ruling power into governments and ministries. 

As a solution to the complexity-challenge Luhmann introduces the system-theory approach as a very comprehensive, criticized and abstract theory, so I will refrain to attempt a full explanation but instead focus on what Kingsley and Urry use to describe the evolution of the car-system. It has been capable to have a clear dominance in the variety of transportation. Through time the car system has not only eliminated potential threats to this position, but it has also had a major impact on our daily production of space, both physical in planning and our travelling patterns.  

     3.2.2 Content – feedback mechanisms, Tipping point and socio-technical systems

Kingsley and Urry analyse the development of auto-mobility as a complex system, and hence describe systems as:

“(…) patterned, regular and rule-bound, but through their workings they can generate unpredictable features and unintended effects(...)Complexity thus investigates emergent, dynamic and self-organizing systems that co-evolve and adapt in ways that heavily influence the probabilities of later events.” (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 48).

The quote shows the system-theory’s emphasis on future developments, albeit a rather unpredictable future. Central for the matter is change: what changes a system? In this present case the social space of velo-mobility is the system undergoing changes. Kingsley and Urry use two significant notions to describe the changes of systems: Feedback mechanisms and tipping points.

     3.2.3 Feedback mechanisms

Each system is constantly affected by its environment, which leads to change, albeit at a very different pace. According to both Luhmann and Kingsley and Urry systems are most likely to re-store their function and develop as little as possible, by referring to itself – self-reference. (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 54, Luhmann 1995: 218). Self-reference is done by a negative feedback process, where the circular causality, also known as the systems equilibrium, is re-established as a counter to the change. Exemplified negative feedback in the auto-mobility system can for example be the fact that the car-prices are lowered at times of economic recession. 

Rapid changes occur when systems are unable to keep up the equilibrium and thus undergo changes. The changes usually lead to an immediately new equilibrium, but sometimes the changes develop a snowball effect, which leads to radical changes of a system.  These changes are known as positive feedback where one change leads to yet another change etc. An example of this, for instance, is the rapid development of fax-machines or cell-phones, which swept over the globe and changed our means of communication overnight. However, the fax machine is also an example of how a necessity (system) certainly becomes obsolete and disappears. (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 55). Copenhagen has seen positive feedbacks that have developed another path for the mobility-system than other similar cities, which makes this notion a noticeable focus in the analysis. The changes in systems are highly influenced by the environment and its socio-technical changes affecting the system, however,

“Once a development is set on a particular course, the network externalities, the learning processes of organizations, and the historical derived subjective modelling of the issues reinforce the course.”(Kingsley & Urry 2009:56)

Kingsley and Urry's example with auto-mobility is stated to transform our urban landscapes and influence our perception of mobility-culture in general, also explained above by Jane Jacobs. (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 56, Jacobs 1992).

     3.2.4 Tipping points

Systems precondition a certain kind of negative feedback and equilibrium for us to acknowledge it as a system. In time, systems can be highly vulnerable towards externalities, which Ervin Laszlo notes as Chaos points, where systems paths are more likely to change than normally (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 59). An example is climate change that is said to create drastic changes with even small abnormalities in temperature. Kingsley and Urry describe this figuratively: if one adds a grain of sand to a pile, it may land and strengthen the structure of the pile or be the very grain that causes the avalanche (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 60). An increasing emphasis on the climate might cause positive feedback for both cycle- and car systems. Climate changes might pass the thresholds for the equilibrium and be the tipping point for both systems. It is worth noticing that the consequences of positive feedback can be both good or bad, reconfiguration is the only certainty.

Firstly, they present a series of events that have turned out to be crucial for the development of the car system. And secondly they present major initiatives and factors that can reconfigure the car systems into the New post-car system. (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 49, 65).

The ‘New post-car system’ is seen as important guide for the development of the cycle system of Copenhagen, due to the fact that we all transport ourselves in the city and therefore create a competition in the modal split or a mobility battle (Horton 2007:3). If we choose to take the bike to work we choose also not to take the car. 

In the following Kingsley and Urry’s Post-car system is briefly presented as an example and a reference for an elaborated understanding of the possibilities with the socio-technical systems.

     3.2.5 The’ New post-car system’ and Copenhagen as mobility

     system

When studying the bicycle system development and looking at feedbacks and tipping points one has to identify significant elements in the system, just as Kingsley and Urry do to the car-system. 

“We examine the car system as being made up of humans (driver, passengers, pedestrians), machines materials, fuel, roads, buildings, and cultures, what is key is not the 'car' but the system of connections.” (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 63)

 

Importing this into a bicycle-context the events involving and influencing cyclism are key to understand the strength of the bicycle system. Kingsley and Urry use Frank Geels innovation systems, and stress that not only technical revolution will create a change in urban mobility, but also policies, user practices, innovations, industry structures, new perceptions of private vehicles etc., account for changes in the mobility systems. (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 63). This list shows that the socio-technical system share the same break from Descartes´ binary perspective on the physical and the non-physical. Here again the social and the physical are seen in one system.

Each circle separately affects the system as a minor change. One will challenge the present system’s equilibrium and altogether the inter- dependent influences might make the present car system pass the tipping point and change the system into a New post-car system.

The New post-car system will serve as inspiration for the analysis of development of velo-mobility in Copenhagen. Any feedback for the car also affects the bicycle and vice versa since they are both a part of the overall mobility system. Copenhageners will always commute, but they can choose between different modes of transport. New fuel systems; transport policies; living, work, leisure practices; etc. will affect the mobility subsystem and will be a favour to one of the different modes of transport. (Kingsley & Urry 2009: 65). 

 Pragmatically, we can see the modal split as the mobility system of Copenhagen with the different modes of transport as subsystems. Hierarchically, the mobility system is above and encompasses the different modes of transport, so changes in the modal split does only affect the subsystems. (Luhmann 1993: 19).  The system-theory approach allows an elaborate analysis of the development of Copenhagen as a bicycle pioneer. 

With Kingsley and Urry’s’ system approach two sub-questions can assist the research question:

-       What major social and technical feedbacks have affected Copenhagen’s system of velo-mobility?

-       What can be identified as tipping points in the development of Copenhagen’s system of velo-mobility?

In the following chapter the methodology will be presented beginning with the perceptions of space- and mobility used in the thesis.

Chapter 4: Methodology

To be able to respond to the research- and sub-questions a methodology is required; hence to map the position in the theory of social science i.e., ontology and epistemology and to position the analysis in comparison to equal studies and practitioners. Discussing validity and generalisation is also of high importance when working with case-studies, which will be dealt with in the last part of the chapter.  

               4.1 Perception of space and mobility

Briefly, the perception of space has undergone changes that can be related to Kuhn´s idea of shifts in scientific paradigms and the fight for acceptance for the 'right truth' (Fuglsang 2004: 7). It went from a perception of space as something absolute and exact – a hollow container to be filled, through the relative perception (Simonsen 2005:167). The focus changed from initially having a focus on the absolute elements in the absolute and exact space, to the relative distances and relations between the physical objects. 

Along with societal sciences introduction to the field of urban planning, the objects of study changed from the physical elements themselves as being something realistic handled with geometry and mathematics and on to something relative. The focus of science was then the relative relations between the absolute objects. (Simonsen 2005: 167). In a mobility-perspective the focus is on the relative distances in between the different objects. An example can be the change of relative distance when bridging an island to the mainland. The result has changed the relative distance – both time-wise and symbolically. 

I make use of the relational perception of space, which does not separate the social and the spatial as two entities: space is seen as produced by physical sceneries carried out socially by people inhabiting it. This is not only to eliminate archaic perceptions of space, but also put an emphasis on mobility. Urban mobility is widely seen as one of the most common practices in our cities. Urban studies have concerned the socio-practical acts of moving around in the city but have been more focused on the flânerie – strolling with the specific purpose of experiencing the city. (Sheller & Urry 2000:738) I see the flâneurs' participation, experiences and portraits of the city as important inputs to spatial analysis. However, I see mobility as a socio-spatial experience with the central purpose to go from A to B, which outnumbers the flâneurs in our daily production of urban spaces and contributes in another way than when strolling the streets. I see urban mobility as embodied practices contributing differently, to the production of space, depending on the means of transport.

              4.2 Ontology

As mentioned in the problem area, the methodological framework is based on Lefebvre’s triad for analysing the production of social space. (Lefebvre 1991: 33) Throughout the report, the social and the spatial are merged and will be perceived as socio-spatial – meaning the social is inherent in space. Practically meant, social activities are embedded in time and space which make activities and processes in time and space the object of interest. (Simonsen 2004: 168) Or as the French sociologist, Merleau Ponty, expresses it: 

“I am not in front of my body, I am in my body or I am my body”(Rendtdorf 2004: 298).[1]

Ponty represents the corporeality phenomenology, where the object of study is the experiences of the body as container for both consciousness and physical mass.(Simonsen 1999: 13). Thus the body has a double character, it is both perceiving and meanwhile perceived at the same time. (Simonsen 2001: 37).

These bodily experiences are key especially in regard to geographical studies due to its embedment in time and space. The report therefore not only focuses on the physical planning but also on the practical activities and created bicycle culture as the field of study. Thus the report focuses on both the context and the subjects appropriating the context. Within a socio-spatial ontology a characteristic of the autonomy of the subject is relevant to place the inhabitants of Copenhagen as autonomous individuals or structure-controlled dupes. It is of course not a binary question but instead a discussion about complex power-relations between agency and structure, which Anthony Giddens presents in his Theory of structuration. (Giddens 1984, Simonsen 2001: 19).

                  4.2.1 Structure and agency

Giddens’ theory of structuration is an attempt to answer the debate about the functionalism and structuralism versus Hermeneutics and other interpretive sociology. Like Lefebvre and Merleau Ponty he breaks the debate by adding practices as the medium (Giddens 1984: 2).

“The social systems in which structure recursively implicated, on the contrary, comprise the situated activities of human agents, reproduced in time and space.” (Giddens 1984: 25)

The structure is produced- and produces agencies. By emphasizing social practice as key for constitution of society, he overcomes the binary discussions of either or autonomy of agencies. Instead, Giddens introduces structuration as the social act of constituting or reproducing society. When agencies act (in time and space) in regard to a certain structure, simultaneously they reproduce and reinterpret the structure. Thus the structures in which agencies practice are constantly undergoing changes by the agencies themselves. Giddens’ theory of structuration goes well with Lefebvre’s triad due to Giddens focus on embodied practice as medium between agency and structure. 

But what makes the agencies practice within the mutable structures? Giddens presents a fine balance in this duality by his trichotomy of knowledge consisting of: Discursive knowledge, Practical knowledge and Unconscious motive/cognition. (Andersen & Kaspersen 2005: 380). This approach comes in handy in the further methods for gathering data of the lived life in Copenhagen.

The practical knowledge can best be described as something we are able to use without further reflection on the actual activity. As an often-used example the activity of playing football: we know how to play, but we do not have to account for how we physically and technically are able to kick the ball. (Andersen & Kaspersen 2005: 380). Most of our activities when playing football are done intuitively. The same thing occurs if you ask somebody to write a manual about balancing on a bicycle; it is a practical skill taught by doing. The routines embedded in the practical knowledge are not a part of our discursive knowledge; instead, we are very aware of the consequences of these actions, due to our former experiences. This theory differentiates from structuralists’ all-encompassing power to the structures, which also shows the interrelation between the elements of Lefebvre´s triad. Due to our capabilities to reflect on our actions and their further effect on our surroundings, we are also able to change the systems or leading discourses. Although in a hypercomplex society we very seldom have the ability to decipher our actions into all effects, which causes secondary or unexpected outcomes along with the intended. A last important ability for the actor is the capability to develop practical knowledge into discursive knowledge by reflection (Giddens 1984: 4). 

The unconscious motives/cognition are comprised by unintended and unknown motives, and have no relevance in this report. (Giddens 1984: 7, Fuglsang &Kaspersen 2005: 380).

Like Lefebvre, Giddens emphasizes the interaction between social practices, the structures and how these factors merge in time and space.

“All social activity is formed in three conjoined moments of difference: temporally, structurally and spatially; the conjunction of these express the situated character of social practices.” (Simonsen 2001: 34).

Not only does Giddens contribute by illuminating the balance between structures and agency, but also on the focus in my gathering - and analysis - of my data. While it has shown that our knowledge of cycling - like playing football – mostly is carried out as practical knowledge I let my interviewees reflect on the act of riding their bikes in Copenhagen.

                  4.2.2 ‘The production of space’ as ontology

As mentioned above Lefebvre´s triad includes embodied activities (spatial practice), the physical construction and the intentions of the physically constructed space (representational space) and the ideas and myths of the space (Representations of space), which suits the context of this analysis. The three elements are considered equal in the production of space, but can overrule each other depending on the production of space. Some spaces might have a powerful representational space affecting the two other elements. In a church for instance, traditions, history and symbols encourage a very certain practice. People are quiet in the church even though nobody tells them to be so. 

The ontology is only inspired by phenomenology´s emphasis on the immediate perception of things without theories and methods. By introducing different sources of perceptions from the literature in the introduction, true phenomenologists would claim, the immediate perception has already been distorted and the data forced (Fuglsang & Olsen 2004: 285). The present moderate phenomenological approach contributes as one among several approaches to increase the knowledge of the field of interest, which is utilized when gathering data on the spatial practice. The field of interest – urban mobility – is experienced as a complex system consisting of various factors and produced by several actors. It is physical (roads, hills, cars, bikes) and mental (opinions about the infrastructure, design, security, speed etc.), thus an interdisciplinary and ideographic approach will contribute to findings including a more elaborated view on velo-mobility in Copenhagen.

               4.3 Epistemology

What is space in this specific context? Above is stated that space is social, and has to be interpreted and analysed as a process. Space is also considered as being unique, which results in contextual findings. To explain the epistemology further an example can shed light on the field of interest. In the following, the central square of Copenhagen will be described in the above scientific perspective.

The central square in Copenhagen, consists if a physical space (representations of space); a volume consisting of bricks, concrete, roads, pavements, bicycle-lanes, glass and steel shaping the architecture of the space embedded in architectural ideals, style, contextual, challenges and advantages. The architecture is based on different times’ leading discourses of planners, politicians and social-engineers. (Lefebvre 1991: 33, Shield PPT[2]), these are the layers of ideas put onto a historical plaza like the central square. Through time the discourses have changed at the central square and thus changed the socially constructed space. 

The representational space contains the lived space with its associated images and symbols or the discourse of space. Memories related to the place, such as the national football team on the balcony in 1992 or the new years evenings, create our social imaginary of the square.

The central square of Copenhagen consists of many routines and daily lives, as symbols constituting parts of spatial practices. The above ruling discourses imbedded all affect the embodied spatial practices from the recurrent inhabitants to the photo-practice of the tourist’s single visit.

The three-part nature of the field, and the use theory of structuration, calls for a moderate perspectivism as well as an acceptance of a moderate social constructivism without neglecting realism completely. (Olsen & Pedersen 2008: 142). The approach can also be described as abductive. In the analysis indications are collected to deduce relations and mechanisms, which affect the specific events. (Hansen & Simonsen 2004: 34) 

Leaning towards a scientific paradigm for validating, critical realism can exemplify the epistemology in the analysis. This implies contextual conclusions, and conclusions beginning with: “There are good reasons to believe...”(Fuglsang & Olsen 2004: 160).  There might be a reality, which is pursued but recognized as being an unattainable ideal: the more perspectives enlightening the research question, the better reasons to believe the findings of why Copenhageners bicycle and what space they produce. The findings are thus analytical, which help to:

“(…)to expand and generalize theories (analytical generalization) and not to enumerate frequencies (statistical generalization)” (Yin 2003: 10)

In this case the gathered data is held up against similar theories to elaborate the findings of the space of velo-mobility, thus the intention is not to generalise rather to discuss the condensed statements found in the data and its consequences.

                  4.3.1 Validity

The latter has certain implications for the validity of the report, because how can a research conclude contextually? Transparency and an elaborated methodology is key when doing perspectivistic science. By putting out every step in the process to the findings, readers can backward map statements to the very source and follow each thought back to its founding breeding ground. According to Yin, validity is a matter of how well the data covers the research question. The research question is covered with different kinds of data, which is presented in the following. (Olsen & Pedersen 2008: 194).

Due to a small amount of data I have chosen a triangulated approach that implies four different sets of data and four different methods for gathering and handling the data. I am aware that timeframe and capacity are constraints on a more elaborated and therefore more valid research. Given the scale of the research, I see data-triangulation as the most efficient approach in this situation. Borrowing from the original geometric concept of triangulation Robert K, Yin explains triangulation as:

"A point in geometric space may be established by specifying the intersection of three vectors (...) this concept has been borrowed for dealing with social science evidence. The most robust facts must be considered to have been established if three sources all coincide(...) This type of triangulation is the most desired pattern for dealing with case study data and you should always seek to attain it.” (Yin 2003: 83)

The triangulated data in the report consists of: scientific articles, expert interviews and cyclist interviews. The empirical point of departure is founded by the literature review, but heavily inspired by phenomenology gathering of data also imply an openness towards new thoughts and phenomena. Practically, this will be shown by a focus on impulses in the cyclist interviews, and openness towards more than just the theoretical boxes I use as guidelines for structuring the analysis.

               4.4 Data

In the following I will describe the data, the coding and the final use of the data in the analysis. The complete collection of data also gives the reader a possibility to judge whether the research questions are covered sufficiently with the different kinds of data. I have chosen four different kinds of data: expert interviews, desk-research, cyclist interviews, and video-recordings.

                  4.4.1 Experts

There are two main purposes for interviewing experts (planners, architects, researchers, lobbyists). In relation to the development of velo-mobility in Copenhagen it has been necessary to contact experts. They are, and have been, an active part in developing the bicycle infrastructure either directly as planner Niels Jensen (CPH) from the municipality of Copenhagen and architect Helle Søholt(Søholt) from Gehl Architects. Or indirectly as Jens Loft Rasmussen (DCF) as lobbyist at the Danish Cycling federation and Thomas Sick Nielsen (UNI) Associated Professor at Forest and Landscape, University of Copenhagen. Altogether they are a unique source of information both politically, for strategic planning aspects, for international context, etc. Together with statistics and planning literature they constitute the foundation for finding feedback mechanisms and tipping points for velo-mobility in Copenhagen.  

Secondly, in a Lefebvre context, to cover the source dominating space physically, here referring to representation of space as being the dominant space inhabited by “the space of scientists, planners, urbanists, technocratic subdividers and social engineers” (Lefebvre 1991: 38). By adding different professions all working in the field of planning I am more capable to compare ideas, ideologies, research and private interests. By working in the field the experts contribute with more abstract perspectives on the representational space than the cyclists. 

                  4.4.2 Cyclists

Due to the relatively small number of informants in the research, the choosing of informants is of significant importance. (Flyvbjerg 2000: 147). In my choosing of the 6 informants I focused on urban dwellers without cars, which deliberately have chosen the bicycle instead of private cars. The informants are men and women ranging from the late 20´s up to mid 30´s, where half of them have one or two children. (See appendix 2 coding 1 for details). The informants are all in the transition from DINKI´s[3] to new parents and in position to be first-time-buyers of cars, but who all have refrained from being auto-mobile. I deliberately wanted to eliminate the economic incentive for biking, albeit the economy incentive - not surprisingly - came up during the interviews anyway. 

This characterises the 6 cyclists as Copenhageners who spend a lot of time in the saddle but have the possibility to favour and drive a car. I considered it to be difficult to make people reflect on their daily bicycling but expected this particular segment to be more reflective. By deliberately choosing the bicycle, they have reflected on their mode of transportation and cycling thus both a part of their discursive consciousness and also of their practical consciousness.

The cyclist interviews are primarily chosen to analyse the spatial practice element in Lefebvre´s triad. As mentioned when describing my methodological foundation, our daily practices play an important role in the constitution of society. (Lefebvre 1991; Giddens 1984). Along with data on the cyclists’ practice, they also provide data for the representational space with the myths, symbols and narratives about bicycling. I have therefore made an effort to make the interviewees reflect on how they perceive bicycling in general and not only how they practice their daily bicycling. 

                  4.4.3 Video-recordings

 To analyse the spatial practice further, and inspired by Ponty´s statement: I am my body, I wanted to include myself as cyclist – practicing in the space of velo-mobility. Practically, I mounted a digital camera on the handlebars, started the recordings at Nørrebro Station and rode through some of the most crowded streets of Copenhagen to Christianshavn. Each trip lasted for approximately 25-30 minutes covering 5.3km, and varied in both congestion, kind of traffic users and speed. The trips were made at different times of the day to show both rush-hour and calm street practices.

Map of the recorded route and the low-tech equipment used to capture the spatial practice

As the frames from the recordings show, it is a very limited display of the actual practice. I will not consider it a false reproduction of the practice of cycling, rather a contribution that is hard to be captured in interviews. The video´s lack of all the aspects of cycling will also be touched upon later in the analysis. 

Initially, the recordings were meant to show me as a cyclist in Copenhagen; however, it also showed my fellow commuters on the way. However, during the recordings I became very aware of my perception of the code of conducts and the road traffic act. In the analysis of the video-recordings I therefore both include my own reflexions on my practice along with the filmed bicyclists.[4]

                  4.4.4 Literature

The databases used when desk-researching for literature mainly consisted peer-reviewed academic literature e.g.: EBSCOhost, CSA alumina, JSTOR and Taylor and Francis. The initial search was done on specific search words and later on relevant authors’ bibliographies. The secondary literature will not be referenced with the primary in back.[5]

                  4.5 Total dataset

The four different datasets are very different in their nature and take different perspectives. Alone each dataset is insufficient but together they give a triangulated answer to the two parts of the research question. To cover the development of velo-mobility in Copenhagen, I make use of the expert interviews as well as local planning literature. The cyclists’ comments on the present bicycle situation do also count as input for analysing the momentum and strength of the bicycle system in Copenhagen. 

As shown, Lefebvre´s three elements are covered with at least two datasets each to be able to crosscheck. Regarding the data for covering the development of the velo-mobility system in Copenhagen, it is mainly inherent in the data for the representations of space, covered by expert interviews and literature. In the following the coding of the data is described. 

               4.6 Methods and coding of data

The concrete method is the final step of the methodology where the data has will be treated with regard to ontology and epistemology. I will start with the two different interviews followed by the video-recordings.

The two interviews are executed very similarly with a recorded session lasting from 30 minutes up to two hours. However, the data needed is very different, which affect both method and coding of the interviews. Simplified the interviews can be distinguishes between two types of interviews[6]

	Status of data	Methodology
Experts	Facts about events, phenomena and its consequences - Useful for description	Broad and descriptive questions, accepted, as direct sources of information (albeit crosschecking with rest of experts)
Cyclists	Authentic and personal experiences - Useful for further condensing of collective perspectives on specific phenomena	Half-structured open-ended interviews with individual crosschecking and elaboration of personal experiences

The data is all considered equally important in the analysis of each of the elements in Lefebvre´s triad, and the data is strategically gathered for each of the elements in the triad, however I tend to keep the interviews open and not rigidly to each element so overlaps are more than welcome.

                  4.6.1 Experts

In these interviews I balance between an approach where informants give access to facts regarding the infrastructure policies of a more descriptive kind. Whereas questions regarding the representational space can be seen as interaction with the experts in defining leading social perceptions and cultures in the designated space. (Silverman 1995:91).

The interviews are separated into two different parts: The first part deals with the analysis of the present social space of velo-mobility in Copenhagen, concerning the creation - both political, social, economic and cultural aspects, and the experts’ perspectives of the significant drivers for velo-mobility in Copenhagen. The second part deals with future velo-mobility planning in Copenhagen as well as focusing more on cities in general, which relate more to Kingsley and Urry´s socio-technical system, notions of tipping points and paths for development. [7]

In the expert interviews I mainly take the informants answers as source of direct information (Silverman 1995: 91). However, the difference of profession within the experts will allow certain crosschecking as well, but the experts are believed to be more 'objective'[8] than when the cyclists are talking about their own lives (see appendix 8 for practical interview-guides). 

The status as information is also the reason for me not to transcribe the interviews. There is no line of coding and analysis in the same way as the cyclists, who are describing personal aspects of bicycling. To create an overview of the interview an outline of the topics with sentences capturing the essence has been produced. (See appendix 4). Along with the literature on the subjects, Kingsley and Urry’s socio-technical system has also been used as a check-list, for the interview-guide.

                  4.6.2 Cyclists

In these interviews I allow the informants to talk about their daily lives with the use of open-ended questions. There are plenty of pitfalls, when it comes to interviewing people about themselves, due to the fact that we usually want to stage ourselves in the best way to our surroundings and especially also to an interviewer with a certain objective for interviewing – everybody wants to help. (Silverman 1995: 97). According my to ontology and epistemology I interpret their information given as their interpretation of themselves. However, to come closer to a reality it is necessary to ask 'around' the interviewers staged answers. I do this with questions about their daily routines, or using Giddens, to make the informants reflect on their practical consciousness and thereby let it enter the discursive consciousness. According to Steinar Kvale this often requires a safe almost intimate atmosphere. The informants are told to reflect on praxis they usually take for granted and risk exposing themselves with less staging. This provides me with the informants’ perceptions of routines and phenomena for further analysis (Kvale1998: 19). 

Map for introduction and drawings

I have used different methods in the actual interviews to make the interviewees’ focus on their daily routines. In the beginning of the interview I introduced a bicycle map of Copenhagen and made them draw their last three trips or their more daily routes on the map. It had the purpose of an icebreaker and to turn the focus onto the practice of bicycling. The maps are not considered as independent data, but more as a method to reach the purpose of the interview. I have thus refrained to analyse the maps as separate data; however, it also shows tendencies of the rationalities used when choosing the road, which will appear in the analysis as well. 

Scheme of incentives

Just as the maps, I had made a scheme with seven different incentives for bicycling to force the interviewees to prioritise and reflect on the different incentives to ride the bike. The main product was not the list they made but the conversation the list would initiate. Again the list cannot be used as independent statistical data due to the very low number of participants. (See appendix 4 for incentive details). 

In comparison to the expert interviews the data from the cyclists is soft and personal. Therefore the data has been coded through three steps as follows.

Shortly after the interview I wrote down the situation and the impressions I felt when conducting the interview. In this way the reader is able to get an impression of each interviewee, and an elaborated understanding of why the interviewees reacted in certain ways. In short it is a description of what cannot be felt in recordings and transcriptions, such as the environment and bodily expressions or, for example, irony, which is much harder to understand when written. It is done to prevent the interviews being converted into only words, which, according to Steinar Kvale, is a degrading of the data gathered. (Kvale 1998:181).'

The second step is the actual transcription, which has been done as close to the recordings as possible. This means mumbling and pauses are, if possible, included. Hesitation can have a major importance when expressing oneself. I have tried to keep as much from the interview to the report. By doing so I prevent myself from loosing meanings when cutting up the quotes for organising (See appendix 3).

The thirds step is where each individual statement is put together with similar statements organised thematically or condensed. (Kvale 1998:192). The quotes will still have their owner’s nametag, but they are taken out of context to create a group of statements or the condensed meaning from the 6 cyclists. The categories were not made beforehand, however I knew from the interview-guide that certain categories would appear in every interview, such as breaking the rules, other cyclists, cars, etc. Along with the coding several new categories appeared and after the coding some categories could be considered closely related. (See Appendix 4).

After the three steps the categories were read through again and the most important were chosen for the analysis.

                  4.6.3 Video recordings

Since I practice bicycling on a daily basis myself I consider myself a source of data as well. So instead of hiding a bias in my writing I will describe my experiences with the video-recordings from Copenhagen with my methodological and theoretical background. The video-recordings are analysed through watching both my personal bicycle practice and the fellow bicyclists. They recordings have been looked through several times to find certain patterns or phenomena of interest. They are held up against the interviewees’ practical experiences and provide a visual introduction to the space of velo-mobility. To the experienced bicyclist this presentation may seem obvious and superfluous, but if that is the case, it just underlines the fact that bicycling is taken for granted and is a part of our practical knowledge. 

It is not easy to present motion picture on paper, so video-sequences are presented with 12 or 18 numbered frames from specific events in a collage. It is recommended to see the full-length video-recordings in appendix 1, where tempo and sounds are presented better.           

---

[1] Translated from Danish: “Jeg er ikke foran min krop, Jeg er i min krop, eller rettere jeg er min krop”

[2] See appendix 10

[3] Double Income No Kids 

[4] The video-camera was a little unstable and stopped a couple of times during the recording, which has caused some small breaks in the whole recording.

[5] For further information on secondary literature: jeppe.mikel@gmail.com

[6] Inspired by (Silverman 1995: 91)

[7] It is necessary to mention that these interviews had a second purpose as well. When not studying I am conducting a research for United Nations Human Settlements Programme whereas the experts were also told to comment on their potential partnerships and contributions to a global information platform for non-motorized transportation. However only Helle Søholt put the main focus on this part or took the interview to a more international level. The other three experts were mainly focused to present their perspective on the development of bicycling in Copenhagen.

[8] I am aware that my critical realistic epistemological clash with objective scientific ideals – therefore the reverse commas.